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Evaluability : an alternative approach to polarity sensitivity

Brandtler, Johan LU (2013) In Beyond "any" and "ever": new explorations in negative polarity sensitivity. p.103-125
Abstract
Based on Brandtler (2012), this paper argues that polarity items are sensitive to evaluability, a concept that refers to the possibility of accepting or rejecting an utterance as true in a communicative exchange. The main distinction is made between evaluable and non-evaluable utterances. The evaluable category comprises any clause that asserts, presupposes or entails the truth of an affirmative or a negative proposition. In contrast, the non-evaluable category contains clauses that do not assert, presuppose or entail the truth of an affirmative or a negative proposition.



According to the Evaluability Hypothesis, non-evaluable environments are natural hosts for both NPIs and PPIs. Hence, the occurrence of polarity items... (More)
Based on Brandtler (2012), this paper argues that polarity items are sensitive to evaluability, a concept that refers to the possibility of accepting or rejecting an utterance as true in a communicative exchange. The main distinction is made between evaluable and non-evaluable utterances. The evaluable category comprises any clause that asserts, presupposes or entails the truth of an affirmative or a negative proposition. In contrast, the non-evaluable category contains clauses that do not assert, presuppose or entail the truth of an affirmative or a negative proposition.



According to the Evaluability Hypothesis, non-evaluable environments are natural hosts for both NPIs and PPIs. Hence, the occurrence of polarity items in non-evaluable clauses does not require formal licensing, and this is the reason we find both PPIs and weak NPIs in yes/no-questions and conditionals. Evaluable clauses, in contrast, are restricted environments and may only host polarity items that are formally (i.e. syntactically) licensed. Hence, NPIs require the presence of a licensing element, and PPIs require the absence of such elements. This analysis leads to an important change of perspective, as the occurrence of polarity items in negative and affirmative sentences becomes the marked, or exceptional, case. (Less)
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author
organization
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type
Chapter in Book/Report/Conference proceeding
publication status
published
subject
in
Beyond "any" and "ever": new explorations in negative polarity sensitivity.
editor
Csipak, Eva; Eckhardt, Regine; Liu, Mingya and Sailer, Manfred
pages
103 - 125
publisher
Mouton de Gruyter
ISBN
978-3-11-030372-8
language
English
LU publication?
yes
id
6731e42c-31d9-4790-887b-6bba0014c27a (old id 3990575)
date added to LUP
2013-08-27 12:51:08
date last changed
2016-04-16 07:51:40
@misc{6731e42c-31d9-4790-887b-6bba0014c27a,
  abstract     = {Based on Brandtler (2012), this paper argues that polarity items are sensitive to evaluability, a concept that refers to the possibility of accepting or rejecting an utterance as true in a communicative exchange. The main distinction is made between evaluable and non-evaluable utterances. The evaluable category comprises any clause that asserts, presupposes or entails the truth of an affirmative or a negative proposition. In contrast, the non-evaluable category contains clauses that do not assert, presuppose or entail the truth of an affirmative or a negative proposition.<br/><br>
<br/><br>
According to the Evaluability Hypothesis, non-evaluable environments are natural hosts for both NPIs and PPIs. Hence, the occurrence of polarity items in non-evaluable clauses does not require formal licensing, and this is the reason we find both PPIs and weak NPIs in yes/no-questions and conditionals. Evaluable clauses, in contrast, are restricted environments and may only host polarity items that are formally (i.e. syntactically) licensed. Hence, NPIs require the presence of a licensing element, and PPIs require the absence of such elements. This analysis leads to an important change of perspective, as the occurrence of polarity items in negative and affirmative sentences becomes the marked, or exceptional, case.},
  author       = {Brandtler, Johan},
  editor       = {Csipak, Eva and Eckhardt, Regine and Liu, Mingya and Sailer, Manfred},
  isbn         = {978-3-11-030372-8},
  language     = {eng},
  pages        = {103--125},
  publisher    = {ARRAY(0x7ec2db8)},
  series       = {Beyond "any" and "ever": new explorations in negative polarity sensitivity.},
  title        = {Evaluability : an alternative approach to polarity sensitivity},
  year         = {2013},
}