1.1 38980 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Åsa Callmer author Eva Lövbrand supervisor Department of Political Science v1000693 department This thesis deals with the theories of ecological and environmental justice and applies them onto Swedish politics. Confronting the divide in the literature between anthropocentric and ecocentric perspectives, its aim is to seek points of agreement within this important field of environmental politics. In the theoretical discussion, definitions are made of the concepts sustainability, justice and responsibility. These definitions try to link ecological and environmental justice arguments with a focus on the global level.<br /> <br /> The object of analysis is the former Swedish governments? bill ?Common responsibility: Swedish politics for global development? which was accepted in 2003. The aim for the politics presented in the government bill is to work for a sustainable and just global development. The comparison between the governments? definitions of sustainability, justice and responsibility and the ones made out from ecological and environmental justice theory shows that the Swedish politics for global development lacks some important elements to be wished for from an ecological/environmental justice perspective. Most importantly, the responsibilities of the rich countries and individuals when it comes to dealing with the roots of environmental problems are largely overseen. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323645/file/1323646.PDF application/pdf 251854 no 2006 swe Miljörättvisa ekocentrism hållbarhet ansvar svensk politik för global utveckling. Political and administrative sciences Statsvetenskap, förvaltningskunskap Law and Political Science 1323645 2007-01-25T00:00:00+01:00 2007-01-30T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 1 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Eli Göndör author Leif Stenberg supervisor Centre for Theology and Religious Studies v1000042 department Sayyid Qutb avrättades i Egypten 29 augusti 1966. Det är ganska precis ett år innan det så kallade sexdagarskriget utbröt juni 1967 vars resultat blev en israelisk ockupation av bland annat Västbanken och Gazaremsan. 1988 accepterade Palestinian National Council (PNC) etablerandet av en palestinsk stat vid sidan av Israel på Västbanken och Gazaremsan med Jerusalem som dess huvudstad. Samma år bildade MB Hamas.<br /> <br /> Sayyid Qutb lever alltså då Israel bildas men är död då Israels ockupation av Västbanken och Gaza inleds och därmed en ny fas i den israelisk/palestinska konflikten. Under den tiden återupptogs idéer om två stater, en judisk och en palestinsk vid sidan av varandra vilket i förlängningen skulle kunna innebära ett ömsesidigt erkännande av varandras rätt till existens. Därmed finns det en möjlighet att det redan hos Qutb finns utrymme för erkännandet av en judisk stats rätt till existens vid sidan av en muslimsk. Samtidigt finns naturligtvis även en möjlighet att Qutb inte ens var villig att erkänna ett Israel inom det territorium som var aktuellt innan sexdagarskriget. Det är även möjligt att Hamas, som bildades i den tid då (PNC) presenterade sitt förslag trots sin opposition, kunde finna stöd för Israels rätt att existera oberoende av Qutbs tankar. Det kan också vara så att Hamas som en del av MB var så starkt förankrat i Qutbs texter att Hamas programförklaring helt enkelt blev en delvis upprepning av dessa. Hamas kan också i sin iver att bekämpa Israel, på grund av det samtida tillståndet, ha valt att bortse från Qutbs eventuells acceptans av en judisk stats rätt till existens någonstans i det området där Israel nu ligger.<br /> <br /> Betydelsen av Qutbs tolkning av islam kan vara avgörande då han är en av dem vilka varit delaktiga i omstruktureringen av islams politiska gemenskap till att i allt större utsträckning definiera sig som i första hand en religiös gemenskap som skiljer sig från den icke-religiösa gemenskapen. För Qutb räcker det inte med att vara muslim och följa muslimska traditioner. Det krävs dessutom att man ständigt förhåller sig till sitt tillstånd och medvetet definierar det. På så vis blir det möjligt att ta till sig det allomfattande system som islam innebär. När islamska aktivister definiera sitt engagemang för en islamisering av samhället, ger det klart intryck av att deras religiösa övertygelse är ett objektivt och oberoende system.<br /> <br /> Detta bör innebära att det inte bara är en fråga om Israels rätt att existera. Snarare blir det i den aktuella tolkningen av vad islam är, en del i ett allomfattande system där en muslim bör förhålla sig till olika parametrar, men där allt hör ihop och slutligen skapar en fulländad helhet. Därmed är det möjligt att det inte går att bara bryta ut en komponent och förhålla sig till den. Dock kan det också vara så att en komponents förändring nödvändigtvis leder till att hela systemet förändras genom en kedjereaktion. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323658/file/1323659.pdf application/pdf 115165 no 2007 swe Qutb, Sayyid, 1903-1966 Hamas Muslimska brödraskapet Palestinafrågan Israel Palestina Islam Religious Studies and Theology Religion och teologi Philosophy and Religion 1323658 2007-01-27T00:00:00+01:00 2007-02-07T00:00:00+01:00 2007-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 2 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Maria Salo author Per Gunnar Edebalk supervisor School of Social Work v1000688 department The purpose of this essay is to examine cost-benefit-analysis as a method of evaluation of labour market policy. To illustrate the possibilities and difficulties of the method chapter four contains a partial cost-benefit-analysis of the results of a labour market project in Kävlinge. The questions this essay strives to answer are the following: What possibilities and difficulties do cost-benefit-analyses entail? How would one conduct a cost-benefit-analysis of the project in Kävlinge?<br /> <br /> The method used in this essay is mainly a literature study of cost-benefit-analysis of labour market programs. The labour market project Brännpunkt is used as an example in a partial cost-benefit-analysis.<br /> <br /> The applied cost-benefit-analysis of the Brännpunkt project in Kävlinge shows that it is possible to calculate the profit for the society as a whole, given that the necessary information is obtainable. In the information available at the time of the analysis there was no information regarding the long-term employment of the participants in the Brännpunkt project. Thus a calculation of the accumulated benefits was not possible, however it was possible to calculate the required unemployment reduction for the project to achieve break-even-point for the society as a whole. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323676/file/1323677.pdf application/pdf 258626 no 2006 swe arbetsmarknadspolitik samhällsekonomi utvärdering Social sciences Samhällsvetenskaper Social Sciences 1323676 2007-01-08T00:00:00+01:00 2007-01-16T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 3 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Lisa Justesen author Axel Hadenius supervisor Department of Political Science v1000693 department Since the breakdown of the Soviet Union, more than fifteen revolutionary years<br /> <br /> have passed. Estonia and Latvia have undergone a change from communist states<br /> <br /> to members of the European Union. As in so many other post-communist states<br /> <br /> corruption has been a problem. However, Estonia has since the independence had<br /> <br /> a lower degree of corruption than the neighbour country Latvia. The main purpose<br /> <br /> of this thesis is to explain why so. The thesis also aims to try out Professor Jon<br /> <br /> Quah´s theoretical analysing tool in a different context than where it was<br /> <br /> developed. His analysing tool consists principally of five explanatory elements.<br /> <br /> Using these, the difference in degree of corruption can be explained by the early<br /> <br /> reforms of the Estonian administration which decreased the opportunity for<br /> <br /> corruption. The difference could also be explained by the fact that corruption to a<br /> <br /> higher extent is seen as a &quot;high risk, low reward activity&quot; in Estonia. In addition,<br /> <br /> the political will to fight corruption in Latvia has been deficient and the public<br /> <br /> sector salaries have been low. Finally, in this context, a complementary<br /> <br /> explanation to professor Quah´s analysing tool is suggested, &quot;the external<br /> <br /> influence&quot; which for instance includes the effects of the European Union<br /> <br /> membership. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323680/file/1323681.PDF application/pdf 329363 no 2006 swe Estonia Latvia Corruption the Baltic States Post-communism Social sciences Samhällsvetenskaper Political and administrative sciences Statsvetenskap, förvaltningskunskap Social Sciences Law and Political Science 1323680 2007-01-08T00:00:00+01:00 2007-01-30T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 4 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 David Harriman author Maria Hjelm author Anders Sannerstedt supervisor Department of Political Science v1000693 department Much attention has been paid to Western democracies? (in particular the United State?s) eagerness to promote (liberal) democracy worldwide. However, less attention has been paid to the domestic democratic condition in these countries.<br /> <br /> Consequently, this thesis is concerned with the state of democracy in the United States and the basic purpose is to evaluate its (e)quality. As a result, we apply three different indicators (economic and political inequality respectively, and social capital) in order to measure American democratic quality. These indicators are chosen on the basis of our empirical starting point (liberal democracy) and normative viewpoint (strong democracy), in which equality, participation and social trust constitute important democratic elements.<br /> <br /> Arguably, American democracy clearly exhibit problems of keeping up with its liberal democratic ideals despite constitutional guarantees for e.g. equal voice and participation. Our conclusion is that this situation has worsened over time and that income and wealth disparities have increased. At the same time, the thesis argues that economic inequality, together with a more money-based participatory system, is an important explanation to this development. Thus, these two factors, together with decreasing levels of social trust and political participation, constitute substantial threats to American democratic quality. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323684/file/1323685.pdf application/pdf 363987 no 2006 eng United States state of democracy democratic quality participation liberal and strong democratic ideals Social sciences Samhällsvetenskaper Political and administrative sciences Statsvetenskap, förvaltningskunskap Social Sciences Law and Political Science 1323684 2007-01-08T00:00:00+01:00 2007-01-30T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 5 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Caroline Karlsson author Martin Hall supervisor Department of Political Science v1000693 department Uppsatsens analysområde är yttre drivkrafter bakom den regionala integrationen inom Southern African Development Community, SADC. Drivkrafterna som behandlas präglas av EU: s biståndspolitik och de krav som följer med biståndet.<br /> <br /> Med hjälp av systemteorin neorealism och den kritiska teorin konstruktivism undersöks faktorer som ligger bakom den politik EU för och de givarvillkor som ställs på mottagaren. Fokus ligger på teorierna och de olika perspektiv de ger EU: s biståndspolitik.<br /> <br /> Analysen ger vid handen att EU: s biståndspolitik kan förstås på skilda sätt utifrån olika perspektiv. De yttre drivkrafterna kan förstås som både egoistiska ur en ekonomisk och säkerhetsbetonad vinkel samt narcissistiska ur ett identitets- och organisation-branding-perspektiv.<br /> <br /> Både neorealismen och konstruktivismen erbjuder godtagbara förklaringsfaktorer. Dock anser uppsatsen att neorealismen ger fler svar på frågan om de yttre drivkrafterna, som är svårare att bryta ner, jämfört med konstruktivismen. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323693/file/1323694.PDF application/pdf 267254 no 2006 eng EU: s biståndspolitik SADC regional integration neorealism konstruktivism Social sciences Samhällsvetenskaper Social Sciences 1323693 2007-01-08T00:00:00+01:00 2007-01-30T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 6 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Love Von Gertten author Daniel Sturesson author Bo Petersson supervisor Department of Political Science v1000693 department Uppsatsen är en studie av Islamic Center i Malmö och dess nätverk och syftar till att förstå hur religiösa föreningar påverkar förutsättningarna för ekonomisk integration. Studien är kvalitativ och baseras på intervjuer som huvudkälla, såväl intervjuer med individer på Islamic Center som andra personer som på olika sätt arbetar med och har insyn i organisationen. Den har främst baserats på teori kring socialt kapital och nätverksbyggande som viktiga förutsättningar för ekonomisk integration. De viktigaste slutsatserna med uppsatsen anser vi vara att ideella/idéburna organisationer har något att bidra med till de offentliga institutioner som skall hjälpa folk in i arbetslivet. Samtidigt så måste de ideella/idéburna organisationerna själva vara beredda att anpassa sig till det regelverk som offentliga institutioner lyder under för att kunna få ta del av det arbetet. Gällande Islamic Centers nätverk har de stora möjligheter att hjälpa sina medlemmar som är del av en minoritetsgrupp i samhället men nätverket bör dock formaliseras för att inte riskera att självdö. Uppsatsen har inga direkta generaliseringsambitioner, men öppnar upp för framtida forskning om hur offentliga institutioner lättast bör ta vara på den vilja och specialkunskap som ideella/idéburna organisationer bär på. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323697/file/1323698.pdf application/pdf 256842 no 2006 swe Socialt kapital nätverk ideella organisationer idéburna organisationer religiösa organisationer offentlig sektor integration ekonomisk integration arbetsmarknad islam Political and administrative sciences Statsvetenskap, förvaltningskunskap Law and Political Science 1323697 2007-01-08T00:00:00+01:00 2007-01-30T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 7 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Annika Frantzell author Dr Martin Hall supervisor Department of Political Science v1000693 department Wahhabismen och andra radikala former av Islam var okända i Tjetjenien före 1990-talet. Men under de två konflikterna mellan Ryssland och Tjetjenien 1994 till 1996 och 1999 till i dag så har Wahhabismen alltmer spridit sig bland Tjetjenierna. Trots att Wahhabismen inte är så utbredd i Tjetjenien som de flesta tror är Wahhabi-inspirerad terrorism nu ett allt vanligare inslag i den Rysk-Tjentjenska konflikten. Den här uppsatsen undersöker anledningarna till spridningen av radikala Islam i Tjetjenien. Syftet är att presentera en omfattande bild av alla anledningarna till spridningen av Wahhabi Islam i Tjetjenien. Den här uppsatsen är formulerade som en teorikritisk fallstudie som analyserar Samuel Huntingtons teori om kampen mellan civilisationerna och Anatol Lievens teori om sambandet mellan religion och nationalism. Undersökningen visar att ingen av teorierna ensam kan förklara spridningen av Wahhabi Islam i Tjetjenien, som endast kan förklaras av ett antal olika anledningar. Den här uppsatsen har funnit sex anledningar till spridningen av Wahhabismen i Tjetjenien, nämligen frånvaron av en central Islamisk stat, konfliktens längt och brutalitet, utländska inflytande, påtvingade konverteringar, den demografiska explosionen i Tjetjenien under 1980-talet, och förlusten av många anförvanter i det långa kriget. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323707/file/1323708.pdf application/pdf 127985 no 2006 eng Political and administrative sciences Samhällsvetenskaper Social sciences Terrorismen Wahhabismen Islam Tjetjenien Huntington Statsvetenskap förvaltningskunskap Law and Political Science Social Sciences 1323707 2007-01-08T00:00:00+01:00 2011-10-12T10:47:11+02:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 8 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Martin Larsson author Magnus Jerneck supervisor Department of Political Science v1000693 department 33 referendum has taken place in european states regarding the European Union since the fall of the Berlin wall. This thesis aims to initialy identify potential patterns in this group of referenda to launch and test a theory/hypothesis anchored in this pattern.<br /> <br /> The european states are differing in nature and the standard of living is chosen as the factor that can potentially have affected the outcome of the referenda held. The carrying thought here being that the voters in states with considerably lower standard of living than the european average would have a more positive attitude towards a deepened cooperation among european states.<br /> <br /> To try this connection between standard of living and how european citizens have placed their votes a main and principal quantitative test is undertaken. It is followed by discussion and arguments about the result of the test.<br /> <br /> The argumentation goes from being hopefull of the strenght of the hypothesis, to a more ciritical view of its&#39; strength. The thesis is wrapped up in some argumentation about how and why it fails to explain what it was initially intended to do. The conclusion is that it has far to many defects and it is inadequate to use for generalisation.<br /> <br /> Nyckelord: folkomröstning, levnadsstandard, Europeiska Unionen, samarbete http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323721/file/1323722.PDF application/pdf 289945 no 2006 swe folkomröstning Europeiska Unionen levnadsstandard samarbete Political and administrative sciences Statsvetenskap, förvaltningskunskap Law and Political Science 1323721 2007-01-08T00:00:00+01:00 2007-01-30T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 9 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Morten Wischmann author Anders Sannerstedt supervisor Department of Political Science v1000693 department Democratization has not taken firm root in sub-Saharan Africa even though many democratic transitions took place in the beginning of the 1990?s. Sub-Saharan Africa suffers in other words from a frozen democratic consolidation.<br /> <br /> This thesis creates a framework for analyzing why the path of consolidation is so rocky for the region and presents five different perspectives. Preconditions, the legacies from the old regime, Civil Society, the domestic elite and the global aspects are the five perspectives in the framework. Each aspect has a saying on why democracy tends not to deepen in sub-Saharan Africa.<br /> <br /> With the framework created we move on to a case study of Zambia. This particular country is chosen for its history as a democratic role-model for the region. Zambia had its first democratic elections in almost three decades in 1991, but the development towards a truly functional and deep democracy is almost not present. The created framework is applied and the state of the Zambian democracy analyzed. As a conclusion this thesis argues that the legacies from the old regime and the terrible economy as precondition are the two biggest obstacles to the process of democratic consolidation in Zambia. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323740/file/1323741.PDF application/pdf 229997 no 2006 eng Zambia democratic consolidation democracy democratization sub-Saharan Africa Social sciences Samhällsvetenskaper Political and administrative sciences Statsvetenskap, förvaltningskunskap Social Sciences Law and Political Science 1323740 2007-01-08T00:00:00+01:00 2007-01-30T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 10 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Lovisa Fhager Havdelin author Maria Hazard author Björn Badersten supervisor Department of Political Science v1000693 department Nearly half of the worlds population is individuals under the age of eighteen. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child state in its first article that a child is ?every human being below the age of 18 years?. Our aim and purpose with this essay is to problemize this broad definition. Our hypothesis is that the definition brought by the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child is too wide and therefore brings difficulties when children of different ages beneath eighteen should and shall be treated the same. The problem framed in a question were: Which problems are there with the conception child and in what way does the conception fundamentally show?<br /> <br /> The method being used is a critical idea analysis where the aim is to show the underlying notion of the conception of child in the convention. The reached results showed that our hypothesis was right, essenitially that the definition is too broad which leads to straits and difficulties concerning childrens rights. This is shown especially reagarding protection of the child versus childrens right to autonomy. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323744/file/1323745.pdf application/pdf 309825 no 2006 swe Begreppet barn Barnkonventionen Yngre- och äldre barn Skydd Autonomi Social sciences Samhällsvetenskaper Social Sciences 1323744 2007-01-08T00:00:00+01:00 2007-01-30T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 11 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Samuel Garlöv author Axel Hadenius supervisor Department of Political Science v1000693 department This paper aims to broaden the discussion on how press freedom can be a powerful tool in the war on corruption. Previous studies have shown a significant relationship between more press freedom and less corruption, it also shows that the causal link runs from press freedom to corruption and not the other way around. There are quite a few studies on the impact of a free press on corruption and therefore there is a lot more to be published on this issue.<br /> <br /> This paper looks at press freedom as one of the most important parts of a democratic society and that it plays a vital role in reducing corruption as both an informant on key issues and also as a ?watchdog? on society. But press freedom cannot be seen as an ?easy fix? in a country or the international community&#39;s struggle to reduce corruption. Press freedom will be most efficient when it is seen as a part of bigger solution in reducing corruption.<br /> <br /> In this paper I present this theory by including the variables, level of education and mechanisms for accountability, while testing the strength of the relationship between press freedom and corruption. The results show that the reducing effect that press freedom has on corruption in a country is sensitive to these two variables. The information on corrupt public officials provided by journalists will not have the substantial negative effect on corruption if the public cannot get hold of, or interpret the information, hence the education variable. And second the information will not have a reducing effect if the public cannot use it through mechanisms of accountability to punish corrupt public officials.<br /> <br /> Keywords: Press Freedom, Media, Corruption, Education, and Accountability<br /> <br /> Antal tecken: 55 443 http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323790/file/1323791.PDF application/pdf 360662 no 2006 swe Press Freedom Media Corruption Education Accountability Political and administrative sciences Statsvetenskap, förvaltningskunskap Law and Political Science 1323790 2007-01-08T00:00:00+01:00 2007-01-30T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 12 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Jennifer Friberg author Sarah Scuzzarello supervisor Department of Political Science v1000693 department Central labour market actors have come to an agreement ? Sweden is going to need labour migration. In spite of the agreement the actors disagree upon how the labour migration should be designed. This essay examines how the union organisation, LO presents labour migration in their rapports during the years 2000-2006. This is done through Laclau and Mouffes discourse theory and a merge with postcolonial theory. This essay intent to cast light on the consequences of the LO&#39;s presentation.<br /> <br /> Labour migration from LO&#39;s point of view can only be legitimate if it contributes to the Swedish welfare. The organisation only considers labour migration to contribute to the welfare if equal rights exist on the Swedish labour market. This essays analysis illustrates that labour migration as a phenomenon and as an identity in the discourse is connection to risk and threat against the Swedish welfare. The connections to risk and threat convey a boundary between domestic and immigrant employees. The boundary result in the likelihood for equal rights for all employees at the Swedish labour market hardens. For equal rights to exist on the labour market LO need to erase the boundary that their discourse has built. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323794/file/1323795.PDF application/pdf 265106 no 2006 swe Labour migration LO Welfare Discourse analysis Social sciences Samhällsvetenskaper Social Sciences 1323794 2007-01-08T00:00:00+01:00 2007-01-30T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 13 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Stina Johanson author Gustaf Olsson author Anders Sannerstedt supervisor Department of Political Science v1000693 department This paper suggests that pre-transiton mobilisation and collective bargaining creates post transiton success. It also examines how the fragility of a gender identity often results in fragmentation of crosscutting women&#39;s organisations once democracy is established, resulting in poorer cooperation between women and effectively poorer struggle for gender equality. It is a case study that takes us through the history of South African women&#39;s organisations, up till today. Evidently, different groups of South African women, divided by class, ethnicity and party belonging were subject to different forms of discrimination under apartheid rule. Nevertheless, they managed to form a united front under the parole of ?womanness?, resulting in collective bargaining and participation in the negotiation process, leading up to a more gender sensitive constitution and greater participation in government. Thereby, through a time limited point of unity, women managed to reform gender insensitive institutions. However, as South Africa started to democratise the unity experienced prior to the transition to democracy weakened and women again began to organise around their original identies, based on class and ethnicity and also party membership, and no more points of unity have since occurred. In conclusion, this thesis focuses on the strength of collective bargaining in civil society under authoritarian rule and the weakness non-collective bargaining in a democratic society, and tries to find various reasons for fragmentation. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323798/file/1323799.PDF application/pdf 259749 no 2006 eng women?s mobilisation points of unity South Africa democratisation fragmentation collective bargaining Social sciences Samhällsvetenskaper Social Sciences 1323798 2007-01-08T00:00:00+01:00 2007-01-30T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 14 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Mia Holmberg author Björn Badersten supervisor Department of Political Science v1000693 department After the 9/11 attack the United States declared war against terrorism, which launched a conflict between indefinable transnational networks and states. In this war it became clear that the strategies used in traditional wars between states were not sufficient. New strategies have been discussed, but without any concrete results.<br /> <br /> In this thesis assassinations of terrorist leaders ordered by states is being presented as a possible strategy in the war against terrorism. Assassinations have been used in all times to shift political power but is today not morally accepted. This thesis aims to show that when used under the premisses of the just war theory, the strategy can be equally morally justified as any traditional war. The theory is used as a source for moral and ethical values and provides a framework for under which conditions assassinations can be justified. The purpose is not to argument whether the strategy in fact should be used or not, but simply to show how well it actually fits into the framework we already use today when justifying war. Normative theory is used where different moral and ethical aspects of war and warfare is being discussed in order to show the complexity of today´s conflicts. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323818/file/1323819.PDF application/pdf 242645 no 2006 swe war on terrorism just war theory assassination Political and administrative sciences Statsvetenskap, förvaltningskunskap Law and Political Science 1323818 2007-01-08T00:00:00+01:00 2007-01-30T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 15 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Kristin Stjernrup author Jakob Gustavsson supervisor Department of Political Science v1000693 department Abstract<br /> <br /> This bachelor thesis is examining sex-tourism as a mean of economic develop¬ment. The purpose of the paper is to examine how sex-tourism is being used as a mean for development and also why it can be considered to be a part of a coun¬tries development strategy. There are many different types of tourism and ways for a country to use tourism as an income source. Although sex-tourism probably not is considered to be a morally legitimate reason for tourism, it does, as we know, however occur and since it is an existing phenomenon it also becomes an income source for the country of destination.<br /> <br /> This work has an overlapping theme; using dependency theory as a base it tries to connect the question of sustainable development to sex-tourism. While tourism in general is regarded as a private sector activity where market forces are predominating, the fact is that states are very much involved in the business of tourism. The involvement might very from country to country but by far all gov¬ern¬ments are active in tourism and its development, which is why dependency theory has been chosen as the starting point for the thesis, it is also the reason why the concept of sustainability is being connected to sex-tourism.<br /> <br /> The paper follows both a broad perspective and a detailed focus. The broad perspective evaluates tourism and sex-tourism in general while the detailed focus lie on Costa Rica. Costa Rica has been chosen as an empirical example for the paper due to its interesting affiliation with sex-tourism and tourism in general. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323832/file/1323833.pdf application/pdf 96846 no 2006 eng sex-tourism tourism development sustainable development and; Costa Rica Political and administrative sciences Statsvetenskap, förvaltningskunskap Law and Political Science 1323832 2007-01-31T00:00:00+01:00 2007-03-01T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 16 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Camilla Karlsson author Anita Dahlgren supervisor Sociology v1000692 department Denna uppsats tar upp ämnet social konflikt i samband med Nordirlandskonflikten. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka huruvida social konflikt kan verka främjande för samhället, samt att titta på de orsaker som gör att konflikten på Nordirland vidmakthålls. Detta har utförts genom en litteraturstudie av teorier utvecklade av Coser, Simmel och Merton.<br /> <br /> Slutsatser jag har dragit utifrån denna studie är bland annat att social konflikt i detta fall, parallellt med de nedbrytande faktorerna, också kan verka för en gynnande samhällsutveckling på vissa områden. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323836/file/1323837.pdf application/pdf 74226 no 2007 swe social konflikt Nordirland sociala processer anomi grupptillhörighet Sociology Sociologi Social structures Sociala strukturer Social Sciences 1323836 2007-01-31T00:00:00+01:00 2011-05-12T15:48:37+02:00 2007-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 17 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Teres Pettersson author Staffan Blomberg supervisor School of Social Work v1000688 department The purpose of this study was to examine whether the success of theconcept of empowerment in the field of social science can be explained by referring to it as the new paradigm replacing the former paternalistic era. Therefore, I investigate if the character of its history, domicile and practice has the same distinguishing features as the scientific progress. The analysis is based on Thomas Kuhn&#39;s definition of a scientific paradigm through the concepts of consensus, crisis and revolution. I also look for alternative ways to explain the sudden appearance of empowerment at the world agenda. Due to the lack of a uniform definition of the concept and the absence of common approaches in the stimulation of empowerment it&#39;s difficult to argue that the situation is marked by consensus. The discussion about empowerment was intensified in Sweden as the economic crisis in the beginning of the 1990´s evolved, which led to that the legitimacy of the welfare state was seriously questioned. Therefore, one could argue that today we find ourselves in between two paradigms, which means that existing cientific views, strategies and approaches have been questioned but that the outcome of the discussion is uncertain. There are also reasons to question that the so called &quot;paternalism&quot; has been a universally prevailing paradigm, excluding all alternative ideas. Among other things it was possible to identify forces in the Swedish social politics that have been almost the opposite of &quot;the social engineers&quot;, and rather similar to empowerment. From this I draw the conclusion that it is hard to explain the success of the concept by referring to it, as it is often described in the literature, as a new paradigm. An alternative explanation could be that the success of the concept has to do with ideological and political changes in today&#39;s society. From a political perspective of conflicts it is arguable that the Swedish welfare discourse that has dominated for a long time for the moment finds itself in a secondary position to a more liberal discourse. This has been made possible by using the concept of empowerment to emphasize the individuals freedom and own esponsibility in discussions about welfare politics and service. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323840/file/1323841.pdf application/pdf 288682 no 2007 swe empowerment paradigm social science social politics Social problems and welfare, national insurance Sociala problem, social välfärd, socialförsäkring Law and Political Science 1323840 2007-01-31T00:00:00+01:00 2007-10-11T00:00:00+02:00 2007-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 18 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Katarina Odlander author Cecilia Wadsö Lecaros supervisor English Studies v1000121 department This paper deals with the historical novel Falling Angels by Tracy Chevalier. It focuses on the development of the character Kitty Coleman who is a Victorian middle-class housewife. The essay shows that Kitty is very different from the ideal Victorian woman and that her inability to conform to the role she has been assigned makes her unhappy. Not until she joins the women&#39;s suffrage movement does she find a meaning to her life. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323852/file/1323853.pdf application/pdf 132108 no 2006 eng Historical novels Historiska romaner Victorianism in literature Gender roles Könsroller i litteraturen Suffrage movement English literature Engelsk litteratur Languages and Literatures 1323852 2007-01-30T00:00:00+01:00 2007-02-07T00:00:00+01:00 2006-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 19 info:srw/schema/1/mods-v3.3xml studentPublicationsM2 Margita Malmros author Diana Mulinari supervisor Sociology v1000692 department Uppsatsen behandlar ämnet om hur diskursen om övervikt skapas och vidmakthålls med specifikt fokus på hur detta görs i tv-programmet &quot;Du är vad du äter&quot;. Bakgrunden till uppsatsen hämtas från den rådande samhällsdebatten om fetma och övervikt och syftar till att dels se hur man genom att representera en viss grupp människor kan synliggöra och vidmakthålla en diskurs och dels att ifrågasätta en social norm i vårt samhälle. Den teoretiska ansatsen hämtas inom kultur och diskursanalysen men även från sociologiska teorier om kroppen och kroppens symbolik. Teorier om tv som analysobjekt tillämpas också. Analysen belyser och diskuterar överviktens diskurs samt hur kroppsideal skapas. Aspekter som kontroll och disciplin över kroppen och olika maktstrukturer är andra ämnesområde som skildras i analysen.<br /> <br /> Analysen har genererat en ökad förståelse för de processer som ligger bakom om hur kategorier skapas och reproduceras i det moderna samhället. Analysen har också lett fram till en insikt för att denna typ av program skapar och sänder en bild av det som anses normalt och eftersträvansvärt i dagens moderna samhälle. http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/1323856/file/1323857.pdf application/pdf 127192 no 2007 swe övervikt diskurs kroppsideal medieanalys sociala normer stigmatisering Sociology Sociologi Social structures Sociala strukturer Social Sciences 1323856 2007-01-30T00:00:00+01:00 2011-05-12T15:48:37+02:00 2007-01-01T00:00:00+01:00 20 1.1studentPaperType exact M2studentPaperTypeexactM2