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Anfall som bästa försvar - om det svenska straffandets drivkrafter och syften

Jonsson, Olle LU (2021) JURM02 20211
Department of Law
Faculty of Law
Abstract (Swedish)
Under 1900-talets senare hälft kan straffrätten sägas ha bytt fot – från behandlingsideologi till nyklassicism. Behandlingsideologin betonar brottslingens behov av vård och vilar på individualpreventiv grund. Straff utmäts för att brottslingen ska behandlas till laglydighet. Nyklassicismen betonar istället straffrättsliga principer som proportionalitet, skuld och ansvar. Straffet konstituerar ett fördömande av en moraliskt klandervärd gärning.

De senaste decenniernas kriminalpolitik har präglats starkt av repressionshöjningar. Hårdare straff är inte en del av nyklassicismens grundläggande idéer, men tycks ha blivit en följd av omorienteringen från behandlingsideologi till nyklassicism. Sedan 1980-talet har tiden för den genomsnittliga... (More)
Under 1900-talets senare hälft kan straffrätten sägas ha bytt fot – från behandlingsideologi till nyklassicism. Behandlingsideologin betonar brottslingens behov av vård och vilar på individualpreventiv grund. Straff utmäts för att brottslingen ska behandlas till laglydighet. Nyklassicismen betonar istället straffrättsliga principer som proportionalitet, skuld och ansvar. Straffet konstituerar ett fördömande av en moraliskt klandervärd gärning.

De senaste decenniernas kriminalpolitik har präglats starkt av repressionshöjningar. Hårdare straff är inte en del av nyklassicismens grundläggande idéer, men tycks ha blivit en följd av omorienteringen från behandlingsideologi till nyklassicism. Sedan 1980-talet har tiden för den genomsnittliga fängelsevistelsen fördubblats och en tidigare defensiv straffrätt har ersatts av en offensiv sådan. Samtidigt saknas vetenskapligt stöd för både påståenden om brottsproblemets omfattning och straffhöjningarnas förmåga att ge positiva effekter på brottsligheten. Inte heller de frekvent förekommande hänvisningarna till det allmänna rättsmedvetandets krav får stöd i forskning när det undersöks empiriskt. Straffhöjningarna tycks ha symboliska och signalsändande motiv snarare än brottspreventiva sådana.

Nyklassicismen och dess straffvärdebegrepp ger ingen ledning gällande straffnivåer, vilket gör att repressionshöjningar kan genomföras obehindrat av den bakomliggande läran. Betonandet av proportionalitet och ekvivalens gör dessutom att enstaka straffhöjningar ”drar med sig” andra gärningars straffskalor. Fokus på straffvärde och moralisk skuld möjliggör också att förbise avsaknaden av vetenskapliga belägg för straffhöjningarnas positiva effekter, något som riskerar att skapa straffskärpningsspiraler där utebliven framgång förklaras av att straffen inte höjts tillräckligt.

Den moderna straffrättspolitikens drivkrafter kan beskrivas på flera sätt. I politiken finns ett behov av att presentera snabba lösningar och att visa handlingskraft för att behålla folkligt stöd. I denna rationalitet blir att agera, ofta genom att höja straffnivåer, primärt medan ändamålsenlighet ges en underordnad betydelse. Dagens straffrättspolitik döljer statens bristande kontroll över brottsligheten genom kraftfulla aktioner som får genomslagskraft i kontakten med känslor av rädsla och otrygghet. Genom att ladda brottsligheten och dess aktörer med symboliska attribut skapas en slags skenverklighet där brottslighet och straffande ges andra karaktärsdrag än de egentligen har.

Straffrättens förankring i ideologi eller lära är idag otydlig, åtminstone i jämförelse med vad som gällt tidigare under 1900-talet. Hämndbegär och känslostyrdhet tycks vara centrala element i utvecklingen medan humanitet och rationalitet ges begränsat inflytande. Detta kan antas svara mot väljarnas instinktiva reaktioner och därigenom fylla syftet att på kort sikt verka för politisk framgång. Ordningen möjliggörs av att straffvärdebegreppet är metafysiskt till sin karaktär med betonande av moralisk skuld. Den metafysiska grunden kan tyckas avvikande i det svenska samhället och man kan diskutera om det bör betraktas som ett substitut till tidigare religiöst betonade ordningar. Avsaknaden av tydlig förankring möjliggör ett sluttande plan eftersom systemets inneboende logik inte hindrar fortskridande straffskärpningar. Den repressiva straffrätten innebär stora sociala och ekonomiska kostnader samtidigt som det saknas stöd för dess välgörande effekter. Med beaktande av det material som diskuteras i uppsatsen går det att ifrågasätta om det finns tillräckligt starka skäl för att upprätthålla dagens offensiva straffrättspolitik. (Less)
Abstract
During the 20th century the penal law has changed stance – from a treatment based ideology to neoclassicism. The ideology of treatment accentuates the offenders need of care and is based on individual prevention. Punishment is motivated by its ability to treat the criminal into law-abidingness. Neoclassicism stresses principles of penal law such as proportionality, guilt and liability. The punishment constitutes a condemnation of a morally reprehensible act.

The criminal politics of the last decades is strongly characterized by increased repression. Increased punishment levels is not part of neoclassicism’s fundamental ideas but seems to be a consequence of the reorientation from treatment to neoclassicism. Since the 1980s the time for... (More)
During the 20th century the penal law has changed stance – from a treatment based ideology to neoclassicism. The ideology of treatment accentuates the offenders need of care and is based on individual prevention. Punishment is motivated by its ability to treat the criminal into law-abidingness. Neoclassicism stresses principles of penal law such as proportionality, guilt and liability. The punishment constitutes a condemnation of a morally reprehensible act.

The criminal politics of the last decades is strongly characterized by increased repression. Increased punishment levels is not part of neoclassicism’s fundamental ideas but seems to be a consequence of the reorientation from treatment to neoclassicism. Since the 1980s the time for the average prison detention has doubled. At the same time scientific support for claims concerning crime rates as well as for the increased range of penalties positive effects on crime are missing. Nor are the frequently made references to the publics demands supported when studied empirically. The increased penalties seem to have symbolic rather than crime preventive motives.

Neoclassicism does not give any guidance concerning the range of punishment, which makes it possible to increased penalty levels unhindered by the underlying idea. The accentuation of proportionality and equivalence furthermore affects the range of punishment concerning other acts. The emphasis on penal value and moral guilt also makes it possible to overlook the absence of scientific evidence concerning the positive effects of increased punishment. This risk leading to a spiral of increased penalties where the absence of success is explained by penalty levels not being high enough.

The motives of modern penal law politics can be described in several ways. In politics there is a need of presenting quick solutions in order to maintain public support. In this rationality action becomes the primary goal while adequacy is given less consideration. The criminal politics of today disguises the states lacking control of criminality through forceful actions appealing to emotions of fear and insecurity. By connecting crimes and criminals to symbolic attributes, an imaginary reality is being created where crimes and punishment are given other characteristics than they actually have.

The connection to ideology or doctrine of the penal law is today unclear, at least compared to what has been the case earlier in the 20th century. Vindictiveness and emotions seem to be central elements while humanity and rationality is given limited influence. This can be assumed to correspond with the public’s instinctive reactions and thus have the purpose of gaining short-term political success. This is possible because of the metaphysical character of the penal value, emphasizing moral guilt. The metaphysical character can be considered atypical in Swedish society and one can discuss if it should be viewed as a substitution to former religious orders. The absence of a clear connection to an ideology or doctrine creates a slippery slope since the system’s internal logic does not hinder the continued increase of punishment levels. The repressive penal law implicates large social and economic costs and at the same time support for its positive effects are missing. The material of the essay makes it possible to put to question whether there are sufficient reasons for maintaining today’s repressive criminal politics. (Less)
Please use this url to cite or link to this publication:
author
Jonsson, Olle LU
supervisor
organization
alternative title
Attack as the best defense - regarding the Swedish punishments motives and objects
course
JURM02 20211
year
type
H3 - Professional qualifications (4 Years - )
subject
keywords
straffrätt, nyklassicism, straffrättspolitik, kriminalpolitik
language
Swedish
id
9046305
date added to LUP
2021-06-09 11:04:35
date last changed
2021-06-09 11:04:35
@misc{9046305,
  abstract     = {{During the 20th century the penal law has changed stance – from a treatment based ideology to neoclassicism. The ideology of treatment accentuates the offenders need of care and is based on individual prevention. Punishment is motivated by its ability to treat the criminal into law-abidingness. Neoclassicism stresses principles of penal law such as proportionality, guilt and liability. The punishment constitutes a condemnation of a morally reprehensible act. 

The criminal politics of the last decades is strongly characterized by increased repression. Increased punishment levels is not part of neoclassicism’s fundamental ideas but seems to be a consequence of the reorientation from treatment to neoclassicism. Since the 1980s the time for the average prison detention has doubled. At the same time scientific support for claims concerning crime rates as well as for the increased range of penalties positive effects on crime are missing. Nor are the frequently made references to the publics demands supported when studied empirically. The increased penalties seem to have symbolic rather than crime preventive motives. 

Neoclassicism does not give any guidance concerning the range of punishment, which makes it possible to increased penalty levels unhindered by the underlying idea. The accentuation of proportionality and equivalence furthermore affects the range of punishment concerning other acts. The emphasis on penal value and moral guilt also makes it possible to overlook the absence of scientific evidence concerning the positive effects of increased punishment. This risk leading to a spiral of increased penalties where the absence of success is explained by penalty levels not being high enough. 	

The motives of modern penal law politics can be described in several ways. In politics there is a need of presenting quick solutions in order to maintain public support. In this rationality action becomes the primary goal while adequacy is given less consideration. The criminal politics of today disguises the states lacking control of criminality through forceful actions appealing to emotions of fear and insecurity. By connecting crimes and criminals to symbolic attributes, an imaginary reality is being created where crimes and punishment are given other characteristics than they actually have. 

The connection to ideology or doctrine of the penal law is today unclear, at least compared to what has been the case earlier in the 20th century. Vindictiveness and emotions seem to be central elements while humanity and rationality is given limited influence. This can be assumed to correspond with the public’s instinctive reactions and thus have the purpose of gaining short-term political success. This is possible because of the metaphysical character of the penal value, emphasizing moral guilt. The metaphysical character can be considered atypical in Swedish society and one can discuss if it should be viewed as a substitution to former religious orders. The absence of a clear connection to an ideology or doctrine creates a slippery slope since the system’s internal logic does not hinder the continued increase of punishment levels. The repressive penal law implicates large social and economic costs and at the same time support for its positive effects are missing. The material of the essay makes it possible to put to question whether there are sufficient reasons for maintaining today’s repressive criminal politics.}},
  author       = {{Jonsson, Olle}},
  language     = {{swe}},
  note         = {{Student Paper}},
  title        = {{Anfall som bästa försvar - om det svenska straffandets drivkrafter och syften}},
  year         = {{2021}},
}