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En sabbad demonstrationsfrihet? Om straffansvar för sabotage som begränsning av demonstrationsfriheten

Sventorp, Linnéa LU (2023) LAGF03 20232
Department of Law
Faculty of Law
Abstract (Swedish)
Aldrig före 2022 har demonstranter dömts för sabotage, trots att bestämmel-sen har funnits sedan 1948. Att straffansvar för sabotage nu dömts ut mot aktivister har väckt debatt om hur lagstiftningen egentligen ska tillämpas. Även ett konstitutionellt perspektiv aktualiseras, eftersom domstolen tillämpar strafflagstiftningen på en situation där den tilltalade utövar sin grundlagsskyd-dade demonstrationsfrihet. Denna uppsats syftar till att utreda hur brottet sa-botage förhåller sig till demonstrationsfriheten samt behovet av normprövning och grundlagskonform lagtolkning vid den här typen av kollision mellan strafflagstiftning och grundlag. Uppsatsen kommer utifrån dessa två infalls-vinklar analysera och kritisera den hovrättspraxis som... (More)
Aldrig före 2022 har demonstranter dömts för sabotage, trots att bestämmel-sen har funnits sedan 1948. Att straffansvar för sabotage nu dömts ut mot aktivister har väckt debatt om hur lagstiftningen egentligen ska tillämpas. Även ett konstitutionellt perspektiv aktualiseras, eftersom domstolen tillämpar strafflagstiftningen på en situation där den tilltalade utövar sin grundlagsskyd-dade demonstrationsfrihet. Denna uppsats syftar till att utreda hur brottet sa-botage förhåller sig till demonstrationsfriheten samt behovet av normprövning och grundlagskonform lagtolkning vid den här typen av kollision mellan strafflagstiftning och grundlag. Uppsatsen kommer utifrån dessa två infalls-vinklar analysera och kritisera den hovrättspraxis som hittills uppkommit. Studien genomförs genom en utredning av gällande rätt och för att sedan kriti-sera den. Metoden som används är därmed den rättsdogmatiska metoden med kritisk inriktning.

Uppsatsen mynnar ut i slutsatsen att det ligger inom en möjlig tillämpning av bestämmelsen om sabotage att påstå att de fällande domarna inte är grundlags-stridiga, men att systematiken i grundlagen och praxis från HD talar för mot-satsen. Proportionalitetskravet i 2 kap. 21 § föranleder mest diskussion genom uppsatsen, eftersom existensen av lagstöd och legitimt syfte enklare kan kon-stateras. Demonstrationsfriheten är grundläggande för ett demokratiskt sam-hälle, vilket måste beaktas vid en proportionalitetsbedömning. Ett argument som har lyfts är att syftet med de fällande domarna kunde ha uppnåtts genom mindre ingripande alternativ, eftersom sabotage ofta aktualiserar straffansvar för andra, mindre allvarliga, brott än sabotage. Slutsatsen som nås är att det inte finns ett entydigt svar om hovrättens tillämpning är grundlagsstridig, men att en mer restriktiv tolkning hade harmoniserat bättre med regelns systema-tiska sammanhang.

Vidare konstateras att behovet av lagprövning respektive grundlagskonform tolkning inte blir tillräckligt tillgodosett i hovrättsdomarna. Hovrätten gör en lagprövning av bestämmelsen om sabotage genom att konstatera att föreskrif-ten i sig inte är grundlagsstridig. Lagprövningen borde ha skett i förhållande till effekterna av bestämmelsen i det konkreta fallet eftersom det framstår som en självklarhet att grundlagen tillåter att demonstrationsfriheten begränsas av existensen av straffbestämmelser av olika slag. Däremot hade ett tolkande tillvägagångssätt (grundlagskonform lagtolkning) lämpat sig bättre än en lag-prövning med anledning av sabotagebrottets oklara tillämpningsområde, samt mot bakgrund av den alltmer viktigare idéen om normhierarkiskt överordnade rättigheter som instrument för svenska domstolar. (Less)
Abstract
Prior to 2022, protesters had never faced convictions for sabotage, despite the provision existing since 1948. The imposition of criminal liability for sabotage on activists has sparked a debate on how the legislation should be applied. A constitutional perspective is also highlighted, as the court applies criminal law to a situation where the defendant is exercising their constitutionally protected right to demonstrate.

This essay aims to investigate how the crime of sabotage relates to the free-dom of demonstration and the need for norm review and constitutional inter-pretation in cases of collision between criminal legislation and the Instrument of Government. Based on these two perspectives, the essay will analyze and critique the... (More)
Prior to 2022, protesters had never faced convictions for sabotage, despite the provision existing since 1948. The imposition of criminal liability for sabotage on activists has sparked a debate on how the legislation should be applied. A constitutional perspective is also highlighted, as the court applies criminal law to a situation where the defendant is exercising their constitutionally protected right to demonstrate.

This essay aims to investigate how the crime of sabotage relates to the free-dom of demonstration and the need for norm review and constitutional inter-pretation in cases of collision between criminal legislation and the Instrument of Government. Based on these two perspectives, the essay will analyze and critique the appellate court practices that have emerged so far. The study is conducted through an examination of current law and then criticizing it. The method used is thus the legal-dogmatic method with a critical approach. The essay concludes that it is within a possible application of the sabotage provi-sion to claim that the guilty verdicts are not unconstitutional. However, the systematics of the Constitution and the practices of the Supreme Court argue otherwise. The proportionality requirement in Chapter 2, Section 21, generates the most discussion throughout the essay since the existence of legal support and a legitimate purpose can be more easily established. Freedom of demon-stration is fundamental to a democratic society, which must be considered in a proportionality assessment. An argument raised is that the purpose of the guilty verdicts could have been achieved through less intrusive alternatives since sabotage often involves criminal liability for other, less serious, offenses than sabotage.

The conclusion reached is that there is no clear answer about whether the ap-pellate court's application is unconstitutional, but a more restrictive interpreta-tion would have harmonized better with the rule's systematic context. Fur-thermore, it is noted that the need for legal review and constitutional interpre-tation is not sufficiently met in the appellate court judgments. The appellate court conducts a legal review of the sabotage, in accordance with chapter 11 para. 14 of the Instrument of Government provision, by stating that the regu-lation itself is not unconstitutional. The legal review should have been done in relation to the effects of the provision in the specific case since it seems obvi-ous that the constitution allows the limitation of freedom of demonstration by the existence of various criminal provisions. However, an interpretative ap-proach (constitutional interpretation) would have been more suitable than a legal review due to the unclear scope of the sabotage offense, and against the backdrop of the increasingly important idea of hierarchically superior rights as instruments for Swedish courts. (Less)
Please use this url to cite or link to this publication:
author
Sventorp, Linnéa LU
supervisor
organization
course
LAGF03 20232
year
type
M2 - Bachelor Degree
subject
keywords
statsrätt, straffrätt
language
Swedish
id
9143597
date added to LUP
2024-02-02 12:37:42
date last changed
2024-02-02 12:37:42
@misc{9143597,
  abstract     = {{Prior to 2022, protesters had never faced convictions for sabotage, despite the provision existing since 1948. The imposition of criminal liability for sabotage on activists has sparked a debate on how the legislation should be applied. A constitutional perspective is also highlighted, as the court applies criminal law to a situation where the defendant is exercising their constitutionally protected right to demonstrate. 

This essay aims to investigate how the crime of sabotage relates to the free-dom of demonstration and the need for norm review and constitutional inter-pretation in cases of collision between criminal legislation and the Instrument of Government. Based on these two perspectives, the essay will analyze and critique the appellate court practices that have emerged so far. The study is conducted through an examination of current law and then criticizing it. The method used is thus the legal-dogmatic method with a critical approach. The essay concludes that it is within a possible application of the sabotage provi-sion to claim that the guilty verdicts are not unconstitutional. However, the systematics of the Constitution and the practices of the Supreme Court argue otherwise. The proportionality requirement in Chapter 2, Section 21, generates the most discussion throughout the essay since the existence of legal support and a legitimate purpose can be more easily established. Freedom of demon-stration is fundamental to a democratic society, which must be considered in a proportionality assessment. An argument raised is that the purpose of the guilty verdicts could have been achieved through less intrusive alternatives since sabotage often involves criminal liability for other, less serious, offenses than sabotage. 

The conclusion reached is that there is no clear answer about whether the ap-pellate court's application is unconstitutional, but a more restrictive interpreta-tion would have harmonized better with the rule's systematic context. Fur-thermore, it is noted that the need for legal review and constitutional interpre-tation is not sufficiently met in the appellate court judgments. The appellate court conducts a legal review of the sabotage, in accordance with chapter 11 para. 14 of the Instrument of Government provision, by stating that the regu-lation itself is not unconstitutional. The legal review should have been done in relation to the effects of the provision in the specific case since it seems obvi-ous that the constitution allows the limitation of freedom of demonstration by the existence of various criminal provisions. However, an interpretative ap-proach (constitutional interpretation) would have been more suitable than a legal review due to the unclear scope of the sabotage offense, and against the backdrop of the increasingly important idea of hierarchically superior rights as instruments for Swedish courts.}},
  author       = {{Sventorp, Linnéa}},
  language     = {{swe}},
  note         = {{Student Paper}},
  title        = {{En sabbad demonstrationsfrihet? Om straffansvar för sabotage som begränsning av demonstrationsfriheten}},
  year         = {{2023}},
}