Hvor ‘Each’ Reciprocals and Distributives in Icelandic : E-Raising + Short Main Verb Movement
(2022) In Linguistic Inquiry 53(3). p.571-588- Abstract
We discuss remarkable constructions in Icelandic that have the distributive pronoun hvor ‘each’ in common: the reciprocal construction hvor annar ‘each other’, and the distributive construction hvor sinn ‘each their’, which also comes in a sinn hvor ‘their each’ version. We provide the first detailed description of these constructions, in particular their case and word order properties, which raise recalcitrant puzzles, and then we discuss what they say about the syntax of nonfinite verbs. Specifically, the word order and case properties of these constructions indicate that nonfinite verbs in Icelandic undergo short verb movement within the verb phrase. That is, the evidence indicates that the leftmost element in these constructions,... (More)
We discuss remarkable constructions in Icelandic that have the distributive pronoun hvor ‘each’ in common: the reciprocal construction hvor annar ‘each other’, and the distributive construction hvor sinn ‘each their’, which also comes in a sinn hvor ‘their each’ version. We provide the first detailed description of these constructions, in particular their case and word order properties, which raise recalcitrant puzzles, and then we discuss what they say about the syntax of nonfinite verbs. Specifically, the word order and case properties of these constructions indicate that nonfinite verbs in Icelandic undergo short verb movement within the verb phrase. That is, the evidence indicates that the leftmost element in these constructions, alternatively hvor or sinn, originates inside an object DP and moves, by what we call e-raising, to the base position of an antecedent with which it agrees, before being stranded by that very antecedent. Nevertheless, the verb appears to the left of this element, even when it is a nonfinite verb, showing that it must undergo short movement to the left of Spec,vP. In addition, the interaction of e-raising and case has important consequences for Case theory, as it indicates that case agreement and case marking take place in PF.
(Less)
- author
- Sigurosson, Halldór Ármann LU ; Wood, Jim and Sigurosson, Einar Freyr
- organization
- publishing date
- 2022-07-06
- type
- Contribution to journal
- publication status
- published
- subject
- keywords
- case, distributives, e-raising, Icelandic, reciprocals, short verb movement, word order, ‘each’
- in
- Linguistic Inquiry
- volume
- 53
- issue
- 3
- pages
- 18 pages
- publisher
- MIT Press
- external identifiers
-
- scopus:85133799143
- ISSN
- 0024-3892
- DOI
- 10.1162/ling_a_00411
- language
- English
- LU publication?
- yes
- additional info
- Publisher Copyright: © 2020 by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
- id
- 3d3bea61-de3d-4518-88f1-f18ffea92a0f
- date added to LUP
- 2022-09-02 12:09:29
- date last changed
- 2022-09-02 12:09:29
@article{3d3bea61-de3d-4518-88f1-f18ffea92a0f,
abstract = {{<p>We discuss remarkable constructions in Icelandic that have the distributive pronoun hvor ‘each’ in common: the reciprocal construction hvor annar ‘each other’, and the distributive construction hvor sinn ‘each their’, which also comes in a sinn hvor ‘their each’ version. We provide the first detailed description of these constructions, in particular their case and word order properties, which raise recalcitrant puzzles, and then we discuss what they say about the syntax of nonfinite verbs. Specifically, the word order and case properties of these constructions indicate that nonfinite verbs in Icelandic undergo short verb movement within the verb phrase. That is, the evidence indicates that the leftmost element in these constructions, alternatively hvor or sinn, originates inside an object DP and moves, by what we call e-raising, to the base position of an antecedent with which it agrees, before being stranded by that very antecedent. Nevertheless, the verb appears to the left of this element, even when it is a nonfinite verb, showing that it must undergo short movement to the left of Spec,vP. In addition, the interaction of e-raising and case has important consequences for Case theory, as it indicates that case agreement and case marking take place in PF.</p>}},
author = {{Sigurosson, Halldór Ármann and Wood, Jim and Sigurosson, Einar Freyr}},
issn = {{0024-3892}},
keywords = {{case; distributives; e-raising; Icelandic; reciprocals; short verb movement; word order; ‘each’}},
language = {{eng}},
month = {{07}},
number = {{3}},
pages = {{571--588}},
publisher = {{MIT Press}},
series = {{Linguistic Inquiry}},
title = {{Hvor ‘Each’ Reciprocals and Distributives in Icelandic : E-Raising + Short Main Verb Movement}},
url = {{http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00411}},
doi = {{10.1162/ling_a_00411}},
volume = {{53}},
year = {{2022}},
}