F0 Peak Timing, Height, and Shape as Independent Features
(2014) The 4th International Symposium on Tonal Aspects of Languages p.138-142- Abstract
- A considerable amount of evidence from several intonation languages (e.g., German, English, Italian) supports the idea that F0 peak timing, height, and shape variables form a feature bundle, which is used to encode two-fold intonational (e.g., sentence-level) pitch accent distinctions such as L+H* vs. L*+H. The three types of features in the bundle can be weighted differently but the outcome seems to be functionally equivalent. In this sense, they are ‘substitute phonetic features’. This paper presents data from two distinct prosodic dialect types of Swedish, a pitch-accent language, suggesting that these F0 variables can also be used independently of each other in order to encode two different contrasts (i.e., a three-fold contrast), each... (More)
- A considerable amount of evidence from several intonation languages (e.g., German, English, Italian) supports the idea that F0 peak timing, height, and shape variables form a feature bundle, which is used to encode two-fold intonational (e.g., sentence-level) pitch accent distinctions such as L+H* vs. L*+H. The three types of features in the bundle can be weighted differently but the outcome seems to be functionally equivalent. In this sense, they are ‘substitute phonetic features’. This paper presents data from two distinct prosodic dialect types of Swedish, a pitch-accent language, suggesting that these F0 variables can also be used independently of each other in order to encode two different contrasts (i.e., a three-fold contrast), each of which phonetically and functionally related to the L+H* vs. L*+H distinction in an intonation language. For Central Swedish, we observe two peak raising strategies which go along with differently shaped rises: ‘extending’ (= faster rise) and ‘shifting’ (= slower rise), which tend to be used to signal ‘speaker-related’ emphasis (e.g., ‘surprise’) or ‘messagerelated’ emphasis (e.g., ‘correction’), respectively. For Southern Swedish, we observe an ‘extended’ peak and an ‘extended and delayed’ peak. (Less)
Please use this url to cite or link to this publication:
https://lup.lub.lu.se/record/5041741
- author
- Ambrazaitis, Gilbert LU and Frid, Johan LU
- organization
- publishing date
- 2014
- type
- Chapter in Book/Report/Conference proceeding
- publication status
- published
- subject
- keywords
- Intonation, prosody, focal accent, word accent, Swedish, emphasis, paralinguistic
- host publication
- Proc. of The 4th International Symposium on Tonal Aspects of Languages, Nijmegen, The Netherlands
- editor
- Gussenhoven, Carlos ; Chen, Yiya and Dediu, Dan
- pages
- 5 pages
- publisher
- ISCA
- conference name
- The 4th International Symposium on Tonal Aspects of Languages
- conference location
- Netherlands
- conference dates
- 2014-05-13
- project
- Function- and production-based modeling of Swedish prosody
- language
- English
- LU publication?
- yes
- additional info
- The information about affiliations in this record was updated in December 2015. The record was previously connected to the following departments: Linguistics and Phonetics (015010003)
- id
- 2ccdd029-e830-462e-a1b6-4db18598eaec (old id 5041741)
- alternative location
- http://www.isca-speech.org/archive/tal_2014/tl14_138.html
- date added to LUP
- 2016-04-04 11:16:22
- date last changed
- 2019-03-08 03:16:57
@inproceedings{2ccdd029-e830-462e-a1b6-4db18598eaec, abstract = {{A considerable amount of evidence from several intonation languages (e.g., German, English, Italian) supports the idea that F0 peak timing, height, and shape variables form a feature bundle, which is used to encode two-fold intonational (e.g., sentence-level) pitch accent distinctions such as L+H* vs. L*+H. The three types of features in the bundle can be weighted differently but the outcome seems to be functionally equivalent. In this sense, they are ‘substitute phonetic features’. This paper presents data from two distinct prosodic dialect types of Swedish, a pitch-accent language, suggesting that these F0 variables can also be used independently of each other in order to encode two different contrasts (i.e., a three-fold contrast), each of which phonetically and functionally related to the L+H* vs. L*+H distinction in an intonation language. For Central Swedish, we observe two peak raising strategies which go along with differently shaped rises: ‘extending’ (= faster rise) and ‘shifting’ (= slower rise), which tend to be used to signal ‘speaker-related’ emphasis (e.g., ‘surprise’) or ‘messagerelated’ emphasis (e.g., ‘correction’), respectively. For Southern Swedish, we observe an ‘extended’ peak and an ‘extended and delayed’ peak.}}, author = {{Ambrazaitis, Gilbert and Frid, Johan}}, booktitle = {{Proc. of The 4th International Symposium on Tonal Aspects of Languages, Nijmegen, The Netherlands}}, editor = {{Gussenhoven, Carlos and Chen, Yiya and Dediu, Dan}}, keywords = {{Intonation; prosody; focal accent; word accent; Swedish; emphasis; paralinguistic}}, language = {{eng}}, pages = {{138--142}}, publisher = {{ISCA}}, title = {{F0 Peak Timing, Height, and Shape as Independent Features}}, url = {{https://lup.lub.lu.se/search/files/5734828/5041748.pdf}}, year = {{2014}}, }