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To be an oblique subject: Russian vs. Icelandic.

Sigurðsson, Halldor Armann LU (2002) In Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 20(4). p.691-724
Abstract
ABSTRACT. This paper addresses the question of whether ‘main clause infinitival datives’ in Russian should be analyzed as oblique or ‘quirky’ subjects, in contrast to another type of subject-like datives in Russian, ‘I-nominals’. In particular, it examines a claim to this effect made by Moore and Perlmutter in a paper in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory (2000). By comparing the datives in question to Icelandic oblique subjects, above all with respect to agreement, the paper demonstrates that Moore and Perlmutter’s arguments are untenable, i.e. their arguments do not distinguish between the two dative types in the way they claim. However, it does not follow that Russian infinitival datives are best analyzed as ‘non-subjects’. Rather,... (More)
ABSTRACT. This paper addresses the question of whether ‘main clause infinitival datives’ in Russian should be analyzed as oblique or ‘quirky’ subjects, in contrast to another type of subject-like datives in Russian, ‘I-nominals’. In particular, it examines a claim to this effect made by Moore and Perlmutter in a paper in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory (2000). By comparing the datives in question to Icelandic oblique subjects, above all with respect to agreement, the paper demonstrates that Moore and Perlmutter’s arguments are untenable, i.e. their arguments do not distinguish between the two dative types in the way they claim. However, it does not follow that Russian infinitival datives are best analyzed as ‘non-subjects’. Rather, it is argued, the interesting question raised by subject-like non-nominatives across languages is not whether they should be classified as subjects by some postulated standards, but what they tell us about the interaction of case and other features or properties of language, in particular sentence structure and agreement. In its concluding chapter, the paper presents evidence that Russian I-nominals differ from Icelandic quirky subjects in not entering into a ‘quirky null-agreement’ correlation with the finite complex of the clause. In contrast, it is pointed out, Russian infinitival datives could and probably should be analyzed as sharing this peculiar property with Icelandic ‘quirks’. (Less)
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author
organization
publishing date
type
Contribution to journal
publication status
published
subject
keywords
Icelandic, case, subject, Russian
in
Natural Language & Linguistic Theory
volume
20
issue
4
pages
691 - 724
publisher
Springer
external identifiers
  • wos:000178322800001
ISSN
0167-806X
language
English
LU publication?
yes
id
1c9e35fb-e0cc-4f71-bdd9-1900b0c6e0b0 (old id 793471)
date added to LUP
2008-02-05 15:29:03
date last changed
2016-04-16 04:29:07
@article{1c9e35fb-e0cc-4f71-bdd9-1900b0c6e0b0,
  abstract     = {ABSTRACT. This paper addresses the question of whether ‘main clause infinitival datives’ in Russian should be analyzed as oblique or ‘quirky’ subjects, in contrast to another type of subject-like datives in Russian, ‘I-nominals’. In particular, it examines a claim to this effect made by Moore and Perlmutter in a paper in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory (2000). By comparing the datives in question to Icelandic oblique subjects, above all with respect to agreement, the paper demonstrates that Moore and Perlmutter’s arguments are untenable, i.e. their arguments do not distinguish between the two dative types in the way they claim. However, it does not follow that Russian infinitival datives are best analyzed as ‘non-subjects’. Rather, it is argued, the interesting question raised by subject-like non-nominatives across languages is not whether they should be classified as subjects by some postulated standards, but what they tell us about the interaction of case and other features or properties of language, in particular sentence structure and agreement. In its concluding chapter, the paper presents evidence that Russian I-nominals differ from Icelandic quirky subjects in not entering into a ‘quirky null-agreement’ correlation with the finite complex of the clause. In contrast, it is pointed out, Russian infinitival datives could and probably should be analyzed as sharing this peculiar property with Icelandic ‘quirks’.},
  author       = {Sigurðsson, Halldor Armann},
  issn         = {0167-806X},
  keyword      = {Icelandic,case,subject,Russian},
  language     = {eng},
  number       = {4},
  pages        = {691--724},
  publisher    = {Springer},
  series       = {Natural Language & Linguistic Theory},
  title        = {To be an oblique subject: Russian vs. Icelandic.},
  volume       = {20},
  year         = {2002},
}