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Warmth and competence in implicit stereotypes and discrimination

Carlsson, Rickard LU (2013)
Abstract (Swedish)
Popular Abstract in Swedish

Betydelsen av värme och kompetens för implicita stereotyper och diskriminering



Ett väl etablerat fynd inom personbedömningsforskning är att vi människor bedömer varandra på ett mer nyanserat sätt än enbart en endimensionell skala (bra-dålig). Istället använder vi oss av två grundläggande dimensioner för personbedömningar. Den första dimensionen (värme) ger oss svaret på andra människors avsikter (t.ex. vänligt eller fientligt inställda till oss). Den andra dimensionen (kompetens) handlar istället om människors förmåga att genomföra sina avsikter. Enligt The Stereotype Content Model (SCM; Fiske, Cuddy, Glick & Xu, 2002) är dessa två dimensioner inte bara relevanta för... (More)
Popular Abstract in Swedish

Betydelsen av värme och kompetens för implicita stereotyper och diskriminering



Ett väl etablerat fynd inom personbedömningsforskning är att vi människor bedömer varandra på ett mer nyanserat sätt än enbart en endimensionell skala (bra-dålig). Istället använder vi oss av två grundläggande dimensioner för personbedömningar. Den första dimensionen (värme) ger oss svaret på andra människors avsikter (t.ex. vänligt eller fientligt inställda till oss). Den andra dimensionen (kompetens) handlar istället om människors förmåga att genomföra sina avsikter. Enligt The Stereotype Content Model (SCM; Fiske, Cuddy, Glick & Xu, 2002) är dessa två dimensioner inte bara relevanta för personbedömningar utan också för bias mellan grupper (stereotyper, fördomar och diskriminering). Vissa grupper har stereotyper som innefattar att de ligger högt på både värme och kompetens (till exempel majoritetsgruppen i ett samhälle eller ens egen in-grupp), medan andra grupper stereotyperas som varken varma eller kompetenta (till exempel vissa etniska minoriteter). Det finns också grupper som har en blandad uppsättning av stereotyper: hög värme men låg kompetens (t.ex. greker) eller låg värme men hög kompetens (t.ex. tyskar).



Det finns sedan tidigare omfattande forskning som stödjer SCM. Men dessa studier har nästan uteslutande fokuserat på självrapporterade stereotyper och fördomar. Syftet med avhandlingen är att bredda detta forskningsfält genom att istället fokusera på två outforskade områden där ett två-dimensionellt värme och kompetens- perspektiv kan visa sig användbart: implicita stereotyper och diskriminering.



Delstudie 1 visar att det är möjligt att mäta blandade implicita stereotyper (t.ex. hög på värme men låg på kompetens) med hjälp av implicita associationstester (Greenwald, McGhee & Schwartz, 1998). Ett preliminärt fynd är att det är fördelaktigt att undersöka blandade implicita stereotyper, eftersom de implicita associationstesterna, till skillnad från självrapporteringarna, hade precision nog att upptäcka ingruppsfavoritism.



Delstudie 2 visar att blandade stereotyper i förlängningen innebär blandad diskriminering. Två experiment visade att grupper stereotyperade som höga på värme men låga på kompetens (greker och förskollärare) blev diskriminerade i samband med en uppgift där kompetens i form av problemlösningsfråga var i fokus, samtidigt som de blev favoriserade i ett sammanhang där empati (värme) var i fokus. Två grupper (tyskar och advokater) stereotyperade som låga på värme men höga på kompetens blev tvärtemot favoriserade på problemlösningsuppgiften och diskriminerade när fokus var på empati. Det viktigaste resultatet från den här delstudien är att ett en-dimensionellt perspektiv inte alls tydde på diskriminering. Anledningen är att grupperna behandlades lika om man slog ihop värme och kompetens till ett genomsnitt.



Delstudie 3 undersökte diskriminering i en verklig kontext genom ett fältexpe- riment på arbetsmarknaden. 5636 påhittade ansökningar skickades ut som svar på platsannonser. Genom att experimentellt manipulera om den sökande hade ett arabisk-, eller svenskklingande namn, och om personen framställde sig som högt på värme och/eller kompetens i sitt personliga brev, kunde vi undersöka hur individuerande information kring värme och kompetens interagerade med etnicitet. Vi fann omfattande diskriminering utifrån etnicitet; sökande med arabiskt klingande namn fick komma på betydligt färre intervjuer. Helt i linje med deras stereotyper (låg på både värme och kompetens) var sökande med arabiskklingande namn tvungna att presentera sig som både högt på värme och högt på kompetens i sitt personliga brev, för att förbättra sina chanser att få komma på arbetsintervju. Ett intressant fynd är att en sökande med arabiskklingande namn måste framställa sig som både varmare och mer kompetent än sökande med svenskklingande namn för att ha (nästan) samma chanser att få komma på arbetsintervju.



Avhandlingens slutsats är att det finns stora fördelar med att undersöka bias mellan grupper från ett tvådimensionellt perspektiv, oavsett om fokus ligger på implicita stereotyper eller på diskriminering. Om man studerar implicita stereotyper utan att ta hänsyn till värme och kompetens, riskerar man att godtyckligt dra slutsatsen att en grupp är negativt eller positivt stereotyperad när gruppen i själva verket har en blandad stereotyp (t.ex. varm men inte kompetent). Samma sak gäller för diskriminering som också kan vara blandad utifrån värme och kompetens. Även när vi undersöker grupper som tydligt är stereotyperade som låga på både värme och kompetens är det viktigt att ha ett tvådimensionellt perspektiv. Det räckte inte för en ansökande med ett arabiskklingande namn att framställa sig som varm eller kompetent för att öka sina chanser att få en jobbintervju; han var tvungen att framstå som både och. Med andra ord framstår bias mellan grupper som ett alltför komplext problem för att kunna reduceras till enbart positiva eller negativa värderingar av grupper. (Less)
Abstract
It is well established that we do not judge other people on a one-dimensional scale (i.e., good - bad), but rather based on two fundamental dimensions. The first dimension is warmth, which essentially answers the questions of what the other person’s intentions are (e.g., friendly or malicious). The second dimension is competence, which in contrast answers the question regarding the person’s capability to carry out those intentions. The stereotype content model (SCM; Fiske, Cuddy, Glick & Xu, 2002) suggests that these two dimensions are not only relevant for person-perception, but also for intergroup bias. Some groups are stereotyped as both warm and competent (e.g., the majority population or the ingroup) or neither warm or competent... (More)
It is well established that we do not judge other people on a one-dimensional scale (i.e., good - bad), but rather based on two fundamental dimensions. The first dimension is warmth, which essentially answers the questions of what the other person’s intentions are (e.g., friendly or malicious). The second dimension is competence, which in contrast answers the question regarding the person’s capability to carry out those intentions. The stereotype content model (SCM; Fiske, Cuddy, Glick & Xu, 2002) suggests that these two dimensions are not only relevant for person-perception, but also for intergroup bias. Some groups are stereotyped as both warm and competent (e.g., the majority population or the ingroup) or neither warm or competent (e.g., an ethnic minority). Some groups have mixed stereotypes: warm, but not competent (e.g., Greeks), or competent but not warm (e.g. Germans).



There is already considerable research supporting the SCM. Yet, these studies have so far focused almost exclusively on self-reported stereotypes and prejudice. The present thesis aimed to extend this research by focusing on two unexplored areas where a warmth and competence perspective might prove useful: implicit stereotypes and discrimination.



Study I showed that it is possible to capture mixed stereotypes (in terms of warmth and competence) using the Implicit Association Test (Greenwald, McGhee & Schwartz, 1998). The study also provides some preliminary indication of the usefulness of this approach. Specifically, whereas the implicit measures were sensitive to ingroup bias, the explicit measures were not.



Study II demonstrated that mixed stereotypes translate into mixed discrimination. Across two experiments, groups that are stereotyped as warm but not competent (preschool teachers and Greeks) were discriminated in a competence paradigm, but favored in an empathy (warmth) paradigm. In contrast, groups who are stereotyped as cold but competent (lawyers, Germans) were favored in the competence paradigm, but discriminated in the empathy paradigm. Importantly, a one-dimensional perspective failed to find any indication of discrimination, since the groups were treated equally if the two dimensions were collapsed.



Study III investigated real-life hiring discrimination in a field experiment. Fictive applications were sent to 5,636 job openings. By experimentally varying whether the applicant had an Arab or Swedish sounding male name, and whether he appeared warm and/or competent in the personal letter, we were able to investigate how individuating information related to warmth and competence interacts with ethnic hiring discrimination. We found substantial discrimination in that Arab applicants received fewer invitations to job interviews. Consistent with the stereotype content of Arabs, an applicant with an Arab sounding name had to appear both warm and competent in order to increase his chances. Interestingly, in order to be on (almost) equal terms as an applicant with a Swedish sounding name, he had to be both warmer and more competent.



In conclusion, the present thesis suggest that much is to be gained from viewing intergroup bias from a two-dimensional perspective, regardless if the focus is on implicit stereotypes or on discrimination. Researchers in implicit stereotypes who do not consider warmth and competence may haphazardly conclude that a group is either negatively or positively stereotyped, when the implicit stereotype is actually mixed (e.g., warm but not competent). The same is true for discrimination, which can also be mixed in terms of warmth and competence. Furthermore, even when studying discrimination toward groups that are clearly stereotyped as altogether bad, a one-dimensional perspective may still lack precision. Indeed, it was not enough for an applicant with an Arab sounding name to appear warm or competent: he had to appear simultaneously warm and competent if he were to increase his chances to receive job interviews. Hence, it would appear that intergroup bias is a too complex phenomenon to be understood as simply good or bad. (Less)
Please use this url to cite or link to this publication:
author
supervisor
opponent
  • Professor Abele-Brehm, Andrea, Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg
organization
publishing date
type
Thesis
publication status
published
subject
keywords
warmth and competence, implicit stereotypes, implicit association test, ethnic discrimination, labor market discrimination
pages
90 pages
defense location
Kulturens Auditorium, Tegnérsplatsen, Lund
defense date
2013-02-15 10:00
ISBN
978-91-7473-406-5
language
English
LU publication?
yes
id
cc2eb168-0a4f-49ca-a46b-e3c5b5a6901e (old id 3410013)
date added to LUP
2013-01-25 14:01:15
date last changed
2016-09-19 08:45:16
@phdthesis{cc2eb168-0a4f-49ca-a46b-e3c5b5a6901e,
  abstract     = {It is well established that we do not judge other people on a one-dimensional scale (i.e., good - bad), but rather based on two fundamental dimensions. The first dimension is warmth, which essentially answers the questions of what the other person’s intentions are (e.g., friendly or malicious). The second dimension is competence, which in contrast answers the question regarding the person’s capability to carry out those intentions. The stereotype content model (SCM; Fiske, Cuddy, Glick &amp; Xu, 2002) suggests that these two dimensions are not only relevant for person-perception, but also for intergroup bias. Some groups are stereotyped as both warm and competent (e.g., the majority population or the ingroup) or neither warm or competent (e.g., an ethnic minority). Some groups have mixed stereotypes: warm, but not competent (e.g., Greeks), or competent but not warm (e.g. Germans). <br/><br>
<br/><br>
There is already considerable research supporting the SCM. Yet, these studies have so far focused almost exclusively on self-reported stereotypes and prejudice. The present thesis aimed to extend this research by focusing on two unexplored areas where a warmth and competence perspective might prove useful: implicit stereotypes and discrimination.<br/><br>
<br/><br>
Study I showed that it is possible to capture mixed stereotypes (in terms of warmth and competence) using the Implicit Association Test (Greenwald, McGhee &amp; Schwartz, 1998). The study also provides some preliminary indication of the usefulness of this approach. Specifically, whereas the implicit measures were sensitive to ingroup bias, the explicit measures were not. <br/><br>
<br/><br>
Study II demonstrated that mixed stereotypes translate into mixed discrimination. Across two experiments, groups that are stereotyped as warm but not competent (preschool teachers and Greeks) were discriminated in a competence paradigm, but favored in an empathy (warmth) paradigm. In contrast, groups who are stereotyped as cold but competent (lawyers, Germans) were favored in the competence paradigm, but discriminated in the empathy paradigm. Importantly, a one-dimensional perspective failed to find any indication of discrimination, since the groups were treated equally if the two dimensions were collapsed. <br/><br>
<br/><br>
Study III investigated real-life hiring discrimination in a field experiment. Fictive applications were sent to 5,636 job openings. By experimentally varying whether the applicant had an Arab or Swedish sounding male name, and whether he appeared warm and/or competent in the personal letter, we were able to investigate how individuating information related to warmth and competence interacts with ethnic hiring discrimination. We found substantial discrimination in that Arab applicants received fewer invitations to job interviews. Consistent with the stereotype content of Arabs, an applicant with an Arab sounding name had to appear both warm and competent in order to increase his chances. Interestingly, in order to be on (almost) equal terms as an applicant with a Swedish sounding name, he had to be both warmer and more competent. <br/><br>
<br/><br>
In conclusion, the present thesis suggest that much is to be gained from viewing intergroup bias from a two-dimensional perspective, regardless if the focus is on implicit stereotypes or on discrimination. Researchers in implicit stereotypes who do not consider warmth and competence may haphazardly conclude that a group is either negatively or positively stereotyped, when the implicit stereotype is actually mixed (e.g., warm but not competent). The same is true for discrimination, which can also be mixed in terms of warmth and competence. Furthermore, even when studying discrimination toward groups that are clearly stereotyped as altogether bad, a one-dimensional perspective may still lack precision. Indeed, it was not enough for an applicant with an Arab sounding name to appear warm or competent: he had to appear simultaneously warm and competent if he were to increase his chances to receive job interviews. Hence, it would appear that intergroup bias is a too complex phenomenon to be understood as simply good or bad.},
  author       = {Carlsson, Rickard},
  isbn         = {978-91-7473-406-5},
  keyword      = {warmth and competence,implicit stereotypes,implicit association test,ethnic discrimination,labor market discrimination},
  language     = {eng},
  pages        = {90},
  school       = {Lund University},
  title        = {Warmth and competence in implicit stereotypes and discrimination},
  year         = {2013},
}